Sustainable Peace

By Sidhartha Jatar


The UN has played a significant role since 1948 in peacekeeping operations throughout the world. With over 16 missions underway and a total of 63 missions under its belt, the UN Peacekeeping machinery is well-oiled and sufficiently experienced to provide protection to governments and civilians struck by internal strife and external threats. Recent figures put the number of military and civilian personnel deployed at over 93,000.

Peacekeeping has come a long way since its early origins and has grown conceptually to include performance of both military and non-military functions during the course of peace support operations.  While peacekeeping forces have had successes in terms of mediating and implementing peace agreements, their inability to sustain lasting peace has been a cause for concern and criticism. In the 1990’s the UN’s failure to prevent violent episodes in Angola and Rwanda and its inability to avoid ‘relapses’ in other post-conflict zones affected its image as an effective and credible force and necessitated self-reflection and internal change. The nature of peacekeeping underwent a transformation, as did the mandate of peacekeeping forces. The world recognised peacekeeping to be a dynamic concept requiring continuous expansion and evolution with time. Simultaneously, there was also a realisation that peacekeeping was only an enabler of peace and security and not a final solution to violence and conflict. For durable peace, transformation of social, economic and political institutions would be required and root causes of conflict – which could range from cultural and ethnic hatred to a race for valuable resources – would have to be addressed.

Thus evolved the idea and need for peacebuilding which is an attempt at setting long-term goals, bolstering political and financial commitments to agenda’s having long gestation periods and contributing to the development of a civil society where human rights, dignity of life and basic needs are attainable. Peacebuilding is founded upon a realisation that there needs to be a cohesive effort by all interested parties to develop economic and social structures and remove hatred and fear from the minds of those affected by violence. The process also commits itself to the establishment of the rule of law since without a fair, impartial and effective mechanism of justice, society would retain the scars of the past and be rendered helpless and vulnerable to newer injustices.

With the Peacebuilding Commission having been set up in 2006 by the UN, the task of planning and strategising policies, resource gathering and resource allocation, building regional cooperation, reviewing progress and recovery goals and importantly extending the period of political attention and political commitment in conflict-recovery zones will receive focused attention. The commission will also look into sufficient and sustained funding and inclusion of best practices.

What may be derived from the above is a need for maintaining a continuum between peacekeeping and peacebuilding during the long process of attaining human security. Human security is pivotal to both long-term and short-term strategies of a peace operation. The UNDP report defines human security as “safety from chronic threats and protection from sudden hurtful disruptions in the patterns of daily life,” and identifies seven categories of threats: poverty, hunger, disease, pollution and environmental degradation, violence, cultural and political repression. The challenge lies in the creation of a mandate for peacekeeping and peacebuilding that will incorporate these factors into the respective mission strategies despite the differences that exist in their timeframes and primary functions. 

In order to achieve these tasks, a sustained effort to peacefully manage the interests of different groups, focus on cooperation and dialogue, systematise justice delivery mechanisms, initiate reconstruction programmes, bring constitutional reforms and address structural causes of conflict is required. Priority will have to be given to sound micro and macro economic policies, re-establishment of commercial ties and trade links and provision of adequate employment opportunities. The role of civil society in reconciliation, fostering of forgiveness and inner healing cannot be underemphasised either.

It is only with clear and coherent mandates, sound transition strategies and a multi-pronged approach that the twin efforts of peacekeeping and peacebuilding will result in creation of durable and sustainable peace.

Will God ever return to Rwanda to spend the night?

By Sidhartha Jatar

With the Tanzania based ICTR sentencing former defence official Theoneste Bagosora to life in prison for participating in the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, the international community can ‘pat itself on the back’ for a remarkable first – Bagosora is the first person to be indicted by the tribunal for planning and organizing killings.

Ever since the ICTR was set up in 1997, over 34 people have been convicted and 23 still remain on trial. Recently, a famous singer – Simon Bikindi was sentenced to 15 years in prison for an inflammatory speech he made inciting violence against Tutsis during the genocide. Such convictions go a long way in reassuring Rwandans that justice has not left their doorstep and perpetrators of this inhuman crime will be brought to book.

That, however, does not take away from the fact that over 800,000 people were killed in a period of 100 days during the genocide. Compare this to Pol Pot’s murder of a million victims in Cambodia over four years or Hitler’s systematic extermination of Jews during World War two and the scale and rate of the genocide will become clear.

History of the conflict

The root of this conflict lies in social differentiation and concentration of power amongst the Tutsi elite (the minority group) which exercised total control over the Hutu majority for centuries. While a case of elitism may be made against the Tutsi community, racial prejudice and the myth of Tutsi superiority was implanted and reinforced only during European colonization (since 1894). E.g. John Hanning Speke, the Nile explorer, propounded the Hamitic hypothesis according to which all culture and civilization in the region was introduced by the fairer, taller Tutsi community. The Germans and Belgians exploited such vague theories and instituted a policy of indirect rule (Tutsi chieftains were left to rule but in reality were mere puppets), thereby perpetuating feudalistic ways and introducing a system of apartheid.

During the independence movement in 1959, the Tutsi’s – who had long been favoured by the Europeans – found themselves at the receiving end as the Belgians switched sides and backed the rebellion towards majority Hutu rule. This resulted in an exodus of Tutsi’s from Rwanda who for the better part of their lives would live stateless in Uganda, Burundi, Zaire (now Congo) and Tanzania. Through a UN supervised referendum, a Hutu led party came to power in 1961 and the century’s old Tutsi power base shifted to the Hutu majority. The following three decades would see an internal power struggle with a leader emerging in the form of Juvenal Habyarimana. The revolutionaries in Rwanda would, in the words of V.S Naipaul, become “mimic men” as they practiced the very abuses which they had revolted against. Habyarimana declared in 1986 that Rwanda was full and could not accommodate any Tutsi refugees: the Rwanda Patriotic Front (Tutsi rebels) was founded in Uganda the following year. In 1990, an attack by the RPF on Rwanda resulted in probably the first genocide against the Tutsi community with newspapers such as Kangura circulating the “Hutu Ten Commandments” urging violence on all fronts. As tensions mounted and the fighting intensified, over a million people were displaced and left homeless. In 1993, renewed peace negotiations resulted in the Arusha Peace agreement and UNAMIR was deployed by the UNSC to implement it. Any progress that may have been made was unfortunately reversed when President Habyarimana’s plane was shot down (allegedly by the RPF but suspectedly by his own military officers). This moment was used by the Government to justify a wide-scale slaughter of Tutsi’s. Radio Rwanda reported that the Virgin Mary had told a renowned local visionary that she approved the killing of Tutsis and that the President was with her in Heaven. The Interhamwe, a pro-government militia assisted in the bloodletting. Militiamen with machetes cut off hands and limbs of people, raped women and dumped bodies into river streams. One can only imagine the fear and desperation that people must have felt. Whereas the genocide might have been expected to strengthen the ruling Hutu party, in fact, the R.P.F gained control of Rwanda and established a new government. Revenge killings followed and an estimated two million Hutus fled to neighbouring Congo. Ever since, a Hutu rebel force has grown in Congo resulting in the Tutsi government of Rwanda invading Congo twice with the objective of eliminating the Hutu militia. Over five million lives have been lost in this renewed conflict and the worst seems yet to come considering that the struggle -which has spread to Congo – is no longer about an ethnic struggle but also about a race for resources. Today, an ethnic-Tutsi Congolese military rebel named Laurent Nkunda runs amok. Under the garb of eliminating the Hutu militia, he has occupied resource rich regions of Congo and in the process committed several war crimes for which he is sought by Congolese authorities and the international community. The death of innocent civilians continues as the plague of hatred and violence spreads like wildfire.

Reflections

Who is to blame for this crisis? Can we pin-point a perpetrator and serve the cause of justice by trying henchmen and militia leaders? Was this genocide a crime against humanity (in its non-technical sense) or a crime by humanity? After all, military bosses, businessman, mayors, journalists, teachers, taxi-drivers, shopkeepers and a host of unidentifiable persons were involved in the fratricide. Even today amongst the crowd lurk murderers and rapists who did no better than the men being tried at the ICTR. How can society punish them? Would the slow and painstaking trials at the ICTR satisfy Rwandans? Would it fill the vacuum left behind?

In Rwanda there exists a fractured society and a psychologically traumatised generation which will have to deal with the complexity of the conflict and its socio-political and historical dimensions. Survivors of this tragedy will have to rebuild their faith in humanity and answer a seemingly unanswerable question -”When a people murders up to a million fellow-countrymen, what does it mean to survive?”

To end with a note of optimism and hope for the future, a famous Rwandan proverb would seem apt: imana yirirwa ahandi igataha i – God spends the day elsewhere, but always comes back to spend the night in Rwanda.

 
(Image Source: Wiki Commons)

A Report on the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda

BY Shardul Singh

Rwanda is small hilly and densely populated African country surrounded by rivers and lakes. It is said that god comes to rest every night in this beautiful country.

In Rwanda three ethnic communities live, Hutu,Tutsi and the Twa. Rwanda was a colony of Belgium. They severally segregated the population of Rwanda into three ethnic communities. Belg regarded Tutsis to be more educated, taller and having a lighter skin colour. Hutus are the majority tribe. Twa constituted a very small minority.

The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda was established at Arusha, Tanzania in November 1994 by the Security Council acting under Chapter Seven of the UN Charter. Genocide in Rwanda took place between 6th April 1994 and 17th July 1994 after the plane of the former President of Rwanda was shot down. Military effectively took control of the country and committed mass scale murders. One estimate says that 500,000 people were massacred in three months

Apart from being beautiful Rwanda is also a country with the most well organized administrative setup in comparison to the rest of the African countries. It has Prefectures (Provinces), Districts which are divided into Secteurs. Each Secteur is further divided into Cellules. Cellule is the smallest administrative unit in the country which implements governmental policies at the grassroot level.

Since I have been working with the OTP (Prosecution) and coming from a legal background, I would keep my article on the legal side rather than on the political, however there are areas where International Politics does have its impact on the working of the Tribunal. I would discuss Political factors as briefly as possible.

Principal Organs of the UN ICTR

1. The Registry- It assists the judges. It is also the place where all the filling of documents and signing and sealing of the documents is done, much like in India, it also performs certain administrative functions.
2. The OTP-Short for Office of the Prosecution. Office of the Prosecution decides which perpetrator is to be indicted. Since OTP selects the targets, it becomes a very important organ of the UNICTR
3. The Chambers and the Appeals chambers

A) OTP (office of the Prosecution)

The Head Prosecutor is Mr.Justice Hassan B Jallow , from the African nation of Gambia. He is the headmaster for all the other Senior/Assistant Trial Prosecutors. He represents the prosecution and reports its progress to the Security Council and the General Assembly

The OTP is divided into small trial teams headed by a Senior Trial Prosecutor which has an investigator. Translators are provided to translate documents from Kinyarwanda to English and French.

Prosecution has good resources at its disposal when compared to Defense. Prosecution has investigators in Kigali which interview witnesses. Their task may also extend to collecting relevant documents from the Gacaca courts in Rwanda and other normal Rwandan courts. Based on the decision of the office of the Prosecutor, investigators focus their attention on obtaining evidence and witnesses against the accused.

My observation has been that some times investigators snub the witness from giving evidence against many other people purely because they were told to concentrate against a certain accused. This leads to huge chunks of information missing from the chain of evens, making the courts task very difficult.

B).Defense

I have been fortunate to come across Lawyers working for the Defense who have impeccable careers in their municipal jurisdictions and they are masters of criminal law to say the least.

Defense has its own investigators which are not on the pay roll of UN-ICTR; these investigators are on the look out to collect evidence to contradict the prosecutions case.

Defense is also paid by the UN-ICTR depending upon the number of hours put in by them, but they are not a part of UN-ICTR. They do not have an access to the huge collection of documents in the data bases provided to the Prosecution.

There are times when the defense depends on the Prosecution’s office to provide them with certain documents. I humbly submit that, if the defense is also allowed to reach these archives it would better serve the cause of Justice

C).Court Practices

i) The trial in the court rooms remain much like the way trials are conducted in India. Exchanges have to be much slower since the court is working in three different languages simultaneously. The rules of Procedure and Evidence are very similar, if not exact, to the Code of Criminal Procedure in India.

The interesting aspect of the trial is the blend of both Civil law and Common law practices. Some Civil law Judges will aggressively takeover the role of the Prosecution or the Defense during Examination in chief or Cross Examination. Common law Judges act like umpires whereas the Judges from Civil law countries will be active players along with being a referee.

At the UN-ICTR elements of both Civil Law and Common Law systems find themselves in the court room since Judges from both these system constitute a bench.

ii) Quick disposal of Cases- The Tribunal has been extremely good when it comes to disposal of cases inspite of the fact that in a single accused case, there may be more than 25 witness on the either side of the court room. The reason for that is that the same bench sits for the entirety of case’s duration, without breaking. This means courts hears and records evidence without frequent adjournments.
After the prosecutions case is over six weeks are given to the defense to prepare its case.

Criticism of the Tribunal

a). I was deeply privileged to exchange views with Prof. Lennox Hings , the Lead Defense council for Colonel Ephrem Setako

According to him, Justice was not done by the Trial court in the Media case where Barayagwiza was detained for a long period of time without any specific charges being brought against him.

It is a human right violation since he could not defend himself. He was not told the grounds for his detention, making his detention illegal. The Appeals Chamber acknowledged that fact and held that under such circumstances no fair trial can take place and Barayagwiza should me released. Before Barayagwiza could be released the Rwandan Government threatened the Tribunal by saying that it would if Barayagwiza is released we will shut down the Prosecutor’s office in Kigali and we will not allow any witness to appear before the Tribunal. The Appeals Chamber took a complete U-Turn and decided to try Barayagwiza. They would adjust the number of days illegally spent in the prison with the total sentence, if found guilty .

This clearly shows how Political considerations play a large role on International Criminal Tribunals

Prof. Hings gives another reason why Judges cannot remain independent. Judge have been sitting for a long duration of time and have various cases. Judges have made findings of fact for e.g. was the genocide actually committed etc; same question may crop up successive trials. Judges, in short, are unable to put on the blinders.

What is more troublesome is that the Judges have heard same witnesses in successive trials. It becomes very difficult for them to start afresh when it comes to attaching weight or ruling on the credibility of the same witness.

b). Effect of Gacaca courts-Gacaca has contributed in a major way to the court room confusion at the Tribunal. Gacaca is a system of courts in Rwanda which convicts people for Genocide at the Cellule level; there is Gacaca court at the sector; and one for appeal at the level of each remaining sector . Popular Judges are elected by the people who are often illiterate and lack legal education .These courts sit weekly. They don’t have any specialized procedure .It will not be wrong to say that it is an informalized way of sentencing.

There were tens of thousands of suspects who were awaiting trial in the prisons, and so Gacaca was seen to be cheap and effective to deal with the volume of cases. There may be over 1,000,000 cases to try .

Gacaca doesn’t recognize suspect’s right to defend himself or the right to prompt trial . Gacaca has enormous sentencing power as well. It can award life imprisonment without testing the veracity of the accusation . I remember a witness being sentenced to 30 years in 30 minutes by Gacaca, for merely lying.

What is most surprising is that no judgment is handed down to the convicted person nor are any reasons given for convictions. I have come across a witness who was sentenced by Gacaca in his absence! Appeal is allowed but the suspect doesn’t even know the grounds of his appeal!

How does it affect The Tribunal?

Often the witness’s credibility is impeached by confronting him with his Gacaca proceedings. It is the usual practice followed during the Cross-Examination of the witness. The idea is to confront the witness with the finding of the Gacaca but if the Gacaca proceedings are faulty in the first place then, wood for the trees is lost. Tribunal cannot effectively dispense justice.

Conclusion

There is inherent weakness with these International Courts. They are far from reality and depend on the states for co-operation. UN-ICTR and UN-ICTY alone cost about 20 percent of the total budget of the United Nations and so there is an added pressure on these Ad-Hoc Tribunals to complete their mandates.

Hybrid courts have lesser problems and function more smoothly. They are Municipal Courts with international participation for example Special Court for Sierra Leon.

UN-ICTR has convicted over 35 high profile suspects of Genocide. It is the only International Tribunal which has convicted Head of a State and continues to try high ranking officials and ministers who planned and perpetrated the killings of innocent people.

UN-ICTR has undoubtedly contributed richly to International Criminal Law. Jurisprudence evolved by the Tribunal will form the foundations of International Criminal Court.

(Image: Wiki Commons)

Bilateral IPR Treaties

Kamal Nath, Union Minister of Commerce & Industry, has stated that a Bilateral Agreement on Intellectual Property Rights (IPR) Cooperation between the Intellectual Property Offices of India and Singapore will be signed soon.

Singapore is India’s 5th largest merchandise trading partner and 4th largest merchandise export market and India’s exports to Singapore grew by 16% in the year 2007-08 compared to a growth of 42% in the imports from Singapore. Singapore also ranks 4th in terms of foreign direct investment in India during the period 1991-2008 with investments of US $ 4.7 billion.

The top five sectors attracting FDI inflows from Singapore into India are: petroleum & natural gas, mining, services sector, construction activities and power, whereas the top five sectors attracting technology transfer are: electrical equipments (including computer software & electronics), hotel & tourism, food processing industry, chemicals (other than fertilizers), and miscellaneous mechanical and engineering industries.

This is not the first instance of India entering into bilateral agreements with reference to IP. For example, the UK-India Joint Declaration of September 2004 committed India and the UK to
establish a UK-India Joint Economic and Trade Committee (JETCO).

The JETCO’s terms of reference were agreed at its inaugural meeting at the Ministerial level under the joint chairmanship of the Indian Minister of Commerce and Industry, Shri Kamal Nath, and the then British Secretary of State for Trade and Industry, Ms. Patricia Hewitt in January 2005. At this meeting, it was inter alia decided to cooperate ‘to examine IPR issues under government leadership, with regard to the concerns of business from both countries, and adopt practical measures to address these’.

In addition to this, there exist:

1 MOU on Bilateral Cooperation in Intellectual Property between the Department of Industrial Policy & Promotion of India and IP Australia
2 MOU on Bilateral Cooperation between the office of Controller General of Patents, Designs & Trade Mark, Department of Industrial Policy & Promotion, Ministry of Commerce and Industry of the Republic of India and the German Patent and Trade Mark Office
3 MOU between the Ministry of Commerce and Industry of India and the Federal Department of Economic Affairs of Switzerland on Intellectual Property
4 MOU on Cooperation between Ministry of Commerce and Industry of the Republic of India and Ministry of Economy, Trade & Industry, Japan
5 MOU between Ministry of Commerce & Industry of the Republic of India and Ministry of Economy, Finance and Industry of the Republic of France
6 MOU on Bilateral Cooperation between Office of the Controller General of Patents, Designs, and Trade Marks (CGPDTM) and European Patent Office (EPO)
7 MOU on Bilateral Cooperation between CGPDTM, Department of Industrial Policy and Promotion, Ministry of Commerce and Industry of the Republic of India and The United States Patent and Trademarks Office, U.S. Department of Commerce

These MoUs are under the Department of Industrial Policy & Promotion (DIPP) of the Government of India.

The Right of Land Locked States to Innocent Passage

In the judgment in the case of Gramophone Company Of India Ltd. v. Birendra Bahadur Pandey & Ors. [AIR 1984 SC 667] delivered on February 21, 1984, a Bench of the Supreme Court comprising Justices Chinnappa Reddy, Venkataramiah and R B Misra discussed the principle of international law on the question of the right of land-locked States to innocent passage of goods across the soil of another State in the following terms:

It appears that the leading authorities on international law have expressed divergent views on the question of the transit rights of land-locked countries.

While one group of writers, such as, Sibert, Scelle and others have held the view that these countries have an inherent right of transit across neighbouring countries, other equally eminent authorities, such as, Mc Nair and Hyde have held the view that these rights are not principles recognised by international law, but arrange but arrangements made by sovereign States”. The result of the lack of unanimity has been that the land locked countries have to rely on bilateral, regional or multi-lateral agreements for the recognition of their rights. The very existence of innumerable bilateral treaties, while on the one hand it raises it raises a presumption of the existence of a customary right of transit, on the other it indicates the dependence of the right on agreement. The discontenting situation led to attempts by national to commodity the rules relating to transit trade.

The earliest attempt was the Convention on the Freedom of Transit known generally as the Barcelona Convention. The second attempt was the Convention on the High Cease, 1958. The most recent is the 1965 Convention on Transit Trade of Land-Locked States. As this is the latest Convention on the subject and as both India and Nepal have signed the Convention, it may be useful to refer to it in some detail.

The Convention on Transit Trade of Land-Locked States was the result of a Resolution of the United Nations General Assembly which, “recognising the need of land-locked countries for adequate transit facilities in promoting international trade”, invited “the Governments of Member States to give full recognition to the needs of land-locked Member States in the matter of transit trade and therefore, to accord them adequate facilities in terms of international law and practice in this regard, bearing mind the future requirements resulting from the economic development of the land-locked countries”.

Article 1 (a) of the Convention defines the term ‘land-locked States’ as meaning ‘any Contracting State which has no sea coast. The term “traffic in Transit” is defined like this: the passage of goods including unaccompanied baggage across the territory of a Contracting State between a land-locked State and the sea when the passage is a portion of a complete journey which begins or terminates within the territory of that land-locked State and which includes sea transport directly preceding or following such passage. The transshipment, warehousing, breaking bulk, and change in the mode of transport of such goods as well as the assembly, disassembly or reassembly of machinery and bulky goods shall not render the passage of goods outside the definition of “traffic in transit” provided that any such operation is undertaken solely for the convenience of transportation. Nothing in this paragraph shall be construed as imposing an obligation on any Contracting State to establish or permit the establishment of permanent facilities on its territory for such assembly, disassembly or reassembly”; The term “transit State” is defined as meaning ‘any Contracting State with or without a sea-coast, situated between a land-locked State and the sea, through whose territory “traffic in transit” passes’.

Article 2 prescribes that freedom of transit shall be granted under the terms of this Convention for traffic in transit and means of transport. Traffic in transit is to be facilitated on routes in use mutually acceptable for transit to the Contracting States concerned. No discrimination is to be exercise based on the place of origin departure, entry, exit or destination or any circumstances relating to the ownership of the goods or the ownership, place of registration or flag of vessels, land vehicles or other means of transport used.

Article 3 provides for exemption of Traffic in Transit from customs duties or import or export taxes or any special dues in respect of transit, within the transit State.

Article 4 refers to means of transport and tariffs.

Article 5 refers to methods and documentation in regard to customs, transport, Act. Article 6 refers to storage of goods in transit.

Article 7 refers to delays or difficulties in traffic in transit.

Article 8 refers to free zones or other customs facilities.

Article 9 refers to provision of greater facilities. Articles 4 to 9 say that the details have necessarily to be worked out by mutual agreement.

Article 10 refers to relation to most favoured-nation clause.

Article 11 refers to ‘exceptions to Convention’ or grounds of pubic health, securities, and protection of intellectual property. It reads as follows:

Exceptions to Convention on grounds of public health, security, and protection of intellectual property:
1. No. Contracting State shall be bound by this Convention to afford transit to persons whose admission into its territory is forbidden, or for goods of a kind of which the importation is prohibited, either on grounds of public morals, public health, or security or as a precaution against diseases of animals or plants or against pests.
2. Each Contracting State shall be entitled to take reasonable precautions and measures to ensure that persons and goods, particularly goods which are the subject of a monopoly, are really in transit, and that the means of transport are really, used for the passage of such goods, as well as to protect the safety of the routes and means of communication.
3. Nothing in this Convention shall affect the measures which a Contracting State may be called upon to take in pursuance of provisions in a general international convention, whether of a word-wide or regional character, to which it is a party, whether such convention was already concluded on the date of this Convention or is concluded later, when such provisions relate:

(a) to export or import or transit of particular kinds of articles such as narcotics, or other dangerous drugs, or arms; or
(b) to protection of industrial, literary or artistic property, or protection of trade names, and indications of source or appellations of origin, and the suppression of unfair competition.

4. Nothing in this Convention shall prevent any Contracting State from taking any action necessary for the protection of its essential security interests”.

Article 12 refers to exceptions in case of emergency.

Article 13 refers to application of the Convention in time of war.

Article 14 refers to obligations under the Convention and rights and duties of United Nations Members.

Article 15 refers to reciprocity.

Article16 refers to settlement of disputes.

Article 17 refers to signature. Article 18 refers to ratification.

Article 19 refers to accession. Article 20 refers to entry in to force.

Article 21 refers to revision.

Article 22 refers to notifications by the Secretary-General.

And Article 23 refers to authentic texts.

It is thus seen that the Convention while providing for freedom of transit for the passage of goods between a land-locked State and the sea, across the territory of a transit State emphasizes the need for agreement between the land-locked country and the transit country and, it specifies certain exceptions.

The Convention places traffic (illicit) in industrial, literary or artistic property on the same footing as traffic in narcotics, dangerous drugs and arms. … The Convention declares exceptions permissible for five reasons (1) certain well-specified reasons of public policy; (2) because of overriding international obligations; (3) emergency in the country of transit; (4) in case of war: (5) protection of its essential security interests.

A few words about each, in view of their extraordinary importance.

1. Exceptions for reasons of public policy. The State of transit may — this is permissive, not obligatory — prohibit transit of certain goods for the reason that their import into its own territory is prohibited, namely (Article 11, Para 1):

(a) grounds of public morals- e.g., indecent literature:
(b) on grounds of public health or public security; (e.g., contaminated food or improperly packed explosives);
(c) as precaution against animal diseases plant diseases or pests.

This clause (the “dirty pictures and rotten fish clause”) will not hamper international trade if properly applied.

2. The same can probably be said of the “measures which a Contracting State may be called upon to take (“poutetre amena a prendre” in the equally authentic French version which is several noches less permissive) in obedience to certain international treaties to which it is a party, namely, treaty provisions relating to

(a) “export, import or (i) transit of particular kinds of articles such as narcotics, or other dangerous drugs, or arms”. (As to arms this would therefore only become operative if a worldwide or regional treaty prohibiting or restricting international arms trade existed).
(b) “protection of industrial, literary or artistic property, or protection of trade names”, and the like.

These provisions are noteworthy because they permit the States of transit to enforce, say a copyright or trade mark convention even if for example, neither the country of origin nor of destination is party to it. As far as these provisions go, transit traffic must not be hampered for any other reason of public policy of the State of transit. If that State forbids importation of certain luxury goods for financial reasons, or of certain textiles to protect its own spinning industry, that is, economic reasons, or of shortwave radios for political reasons, all such goods must still be permitted to pass through its territory.

3. Qualified emergency

4. War

5. Protection of essential security interests

(This is an edited excerpt of the judgment of the Supreme Court.)

The India Pakistan Visa Agreeement

Over a quarter of a century ago, on September 14, 1974, the Governments of India and Pakistan signed a bilateral agreement in Islamabad regarding visas to ‘nationals of either country desiring to visit the other’.

The agreement was signed in pursuance of the Simla Agreement of July, 1972. One of the consequences of the signing of the agreement is that Indians are not granted visas to individually holiday in Pakistan or Pakistanis to individually holiday in India despite the historical ties between the two countries.

Five types of visas can be granted under the agreement:

(a) Diplomatic Visas
(b) Non-Diplomatic Visas
(c) Official Visas
(d) Visitor Visas
(e) Transit Visas

All visas must be used within three months of their issue after which they are automatically cancelled. The period of validity of a visa begins on arrival in the country which issued it.

In reply to a question asked in Parliament, in 2006, Mr E Ahamed said, “India is not included in the Pakistani list of 69 ‘Business Friendly’ countries and 23 ‘Tourist Friendly’ countries announced. Some India-specific measures announced by Pakistan include, inter alia, visa for civil society, senior citizens, widows and divorcees enhanced from three months to two years, visa of 30 days instead of 14 days for Group Tourists from India through designated tour operators, Pilgrimage Visa to Indian nationals (not less than 10 in number) to visit specified holy shrines in Pakistan for 15 days instead of 5 days allowed earlier, introduction of ‘Business Visa’ envisaging 6 months duration with multiple entries and maximum stay of 30 days subject to production of requisite documents, and expeditious processing of diplomatic and non-diplomatic visas of Indian diplomats posted in Pakistan.”

The 1974 agreement lays down the basic provisions regarding the various visas it envisages being granted:

(a) Diplomatic Visas

These are multiple entry visas which are ordinarily valid for one year and are issued to the Heads of the Diplomatic and Consular Missions, members of the Mission holding diplomatic or consular rank, their wives and children, and regular Diplomatic Couriers.
In addition to this, high ranking dignitaries are issued single entry visas ordinarily valid for one month as are high ranking officials visiting on official business or to attend international conferences. Members of the families accompanying those entitled to such visas are also given diplomatic visas.

(b) Non-Diplomatic Visas

These are multiple entry visas which are ordinarily valid for one year and are issued to non-diplomatic members of the Diplomatic or Consular Mission, their wives and children and the personal servants of members of the Mission holding Diplomatic or Consular ranks. They are valid for ‘stay at the place of assignment’ which is specified on the visa and are also ‘valid for journeys performed while accompanying a holder of a diplomatic visa’.

(c) Official Visas

These are single entry visas which are ordinarily valid for one month and for specified places. They are issued to officials not entitled to diplomatic or non-diplomatic visas to enable them to visit the country which issues the visa on official business. This includes enabling such persons to participate in international conferences.

(d) Visitor Visas

These are single entry visas which are ordinarily valid for specified places and for not more than three months although they ‘may be issued for a longer period not exceeding one year if owing to the nature of work or business a prolonged stay is necessary’.

Visitor visas are issued to persons visiting the country issuing the visa to ‘meet relatives or friends, for business or any other legitimate purpose’.

Those who hold such visas must register themselves at the check posts of entry (specified on the visa) and, within 24 hours of their reaching in the specified place of stay, report their arrival in writing to the prescribed authority or the nearest police station. They must also make a similar report 24 hours prior to their intended departure from the place of stay.

(e) Transit Visas

These are visas which are ordinarily valid for stay in the city/port of entry for 72 hours. They are issued to persons travelling by air or sea and proceeding to another country through Pakistan or India.

No visa is required for a passenger directly transiting through an airport/seaport provided he stays in ‘the area in the airport/seaport set apart for international transit passengers’.

Those who hold such visas must register themselves at the check posts of entry (specified on the visa) and, within 24 hours of their reaching in the specified place of stay, report their arrival in writing to the prescribed authority or the nearest police station. They must also make a similar report 24 hours prior to their intended departure from the place of stay.

The agreement also designates check posts for entry / exit which are specified on visas as follows:

(a) By Air: Karachi/Lahore/Islamabad (Pakistan) and Bombay/Delhi/Amritsar (India)
(b) By Sea: Karachi (Pakistan) and Bombay (India)
(c) By Land: Wagha/Attari and Khokhrapar/Munabao border checkposts.

Finally, there is a special provision for seamen which says that a seaman visiting a port as a member of the crew of a ship need not hold a Passport or a Visa. He may be issued a Landing Permit valid for the port of entry for a period not exceeding 24 hours provided he deposits his Continuous Discharge Certificate (nullie) with the Immigration Authorities.

Source: Ministry of External Affairs

The Relationship between Municipal and International Law

In the judgment in the case of Gramophone Company Of India Ltd. v. Birendra Bahadur Pandey & Ors. [AIR 1984 SC 667] delivered on February 21, 1984, a Bench of the Supreme Court comprising Justices Chinnappa Reddy, Venkataramiah and R B Misra discussed the relationship between municipal and international law in the following terms:

It has been said in England that there are two schools of thought, one school of thought propounding the doctrine of incorporation and the other, the doctrine of transformation.

According to the doctrine of incorporation, rules of international law are incorporated into the law of the land automatically and considered to be part of the law of the land unless in conflict with an Act of Parliament. Whenever the rules of international law changed, they would result in a change of the law of the land along with them, ‘without the aid of an Act of Parliament.

According to the doctrine of transformation, rules of International law are not part of the law of the land, unless already so by an Act of Parliament, judicial decision or long established custom. No such change would occur unless the principles of international law are ‘accepted and adopted by the domestic law’.

Lord Denning who had once accepted the transformation doctrine without question, later veered round to express a preference for the doctrine of incorporation and explained how courts were justified in applying modern rules of international law when old rules of international law changed. In fact, the doctrine of incorporation, it appears, was accepted in England long before Lord Denning did so.

Lord Denning himself referred to some old cases.

In addition to that, in West Rand Central Gold Mining Co. v. The King, the court said:

“It is quite true that whatever has received the common consent of civilized nations must have received the assent of our country, and that to which we have assented along with other nations in general may properly be called international law, and as such will be acknowledged and applied by our municipal tribunals when legitimate occasion arises for those tribunals to decide questions to which doctrines of international law may be relevant”.

Lauterpacht in International Law (General Works) refers to the position in Germany, France, Belgium and Switzerland and says it is the same. He quotes what a German Court said to meet an argument that the role of customary international law conflicted with Article 24 of the German Code of Civil Procedure. The court had said, “The legislature of the German Reich did not and could not intend any violation of generally recognised rules of international law, when enacting Article 24 of the German Code of Civil Procedure.”

Lauterpacht refers to another German case where the argument that ‘there ought not to be a direct recourse to the law of nations, except in so far as there has been formed a German customary law’ was rejected with the statement, “The contention of the Creditor that international law is applicable only in so far as it has been adopted by German Customary law, lacks foundation in law. Such a legal maxim would, moreover, if generally applied, lead to the untenable result that in the intercourse of nations with one another, there would obtain not a uniform system — international law — but a series of more or less diverse municipal laws”. Lauterpacht summarises the position this way:

“While it, is clear that international law may and does act directly within the State, it is equally clear that as a rule that direct operation of international law is, within the State subject to the overriding authority of municipal law. Courts must apply statutes even if they conflict with international law. The supremacy of international law lasts, pro foro interno, only so long as the State does not expressly and unequivocally derogate from it. When it thus prescribes a departure from international law, conventional or customary, judges are confronted with a conflict of international law and municipal law and, being organs appointed by the State, they are compelled to apply the latter”.

There can be no question that nations must march with the international community and the Municipal law must respect rules of International law even as nations respect international opinion. The comity of Nations requires that Rules of International law may be accommodated in the Municipal Law even without express legislative sanction provided they do not run into conflict with Acts of Parliament. But when they do run into such conflict, the sovereignty and the integrity of the Republic and the supremacy of the constituted legislatures in making the laws may not be subjected to external rules except to the extent legitimately accepted by the constituted legislatures themselves. The doctrine of incorporation also recognises the position that the rules of international law are incorporated into national law and considered to be part of the national law, unless they are in conflict with Act of Parliament. Comity of Nations or not, Municipal Law must prevail in case of conflict. National Courts cannot say “Yes” if Parliament has said “No” to a principle of international law.

National Courts will endorse international law but not if it conflicts with national law. National courts being organs of the National State and not organs of international law must perforce apply national law if international law conflicts with it. But the Courts are under an obligation within legitimate limits, to so interpret the Municipal Statute as to avoid conformation with the comity of Nations or the well established principles of International law. But if conflict is inevitable, the latter must yield.

The proposition has been well stated by Latham CJ in Politics v. The Commonwealth:

“Every statute is to be interpreted and applied, as far as its language admits, as not to be inconsistent with the comity of nations or with the established rules of international law ………. It must be held that legislation otherwise within the power of the. Commonwealth Parliament does not become invalid because it conflicts with a rule of international law, though every effort should be made to construe Commonwealth statutes so as to avoid breaches of international law and of international comity. The question, therefore, is not a question of the power of the Commonwealth Parliament to legislate in breach of international law, but is a question whether in fact it has done so”.

The Supreme Court of India has said practically the same thing in Tractor export, Moscow v. M/s Tarapore & Company and Anr.:

“Now, as stated in Halsbury’s Laws of England, Vol. 36, page 414, there is a presumption that Parliament does not assert or assume jurisdiction which goes beyond the limits established by the common consent of nations and statutes are to be interpreted provided, that their language permits, so as not to be inconsistent with the comity of nations or with the established principles of international law. But this principle applies only where there is an ambiguity and must give way before a clearly expressed intention. If statutory enactments are clear in meaning, they must be construed according to their meaning even though they are contrary to the comity of nations or international law”.

The observations show that the court was only concerned with a principle of interpretation, but, by, implication, it may be possible to say that the court preferred the doctrine of incorporation; otherwise the question of interpretation would not truly arise. What has been said in the Tractor Export case is entirely consistent with what the Supreme Court had said earlier.

(This is an edited excerpt of the judgment of the Supreme Court.)